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The
Ghost of Vice President Wallace Warns: "It Can Happen Here"
by Thom Hartmann
The
Republican National Committee has recently removed from their website an advertisement
interspersing Hitler's face with those of John Kerry and other prominent Democrats.
This little-heralded step has freed former Enron lobbyist and current RNC chairman
Ed Gillespie to resume his attacks on Americans who believe some provisions
of Bush's PATRIOT Act, his detention of American citizens without charges, his
willingness to let corporations write legislation, and the so-called "Free
Speech Zones" around his public appearances are all steps on the road to
American fascism.
The RNC's feeble attempt to equate Hitler and Democrats was short-lived, but
it brings to mind the first American Vice President to point out the "American
fascists" among us.
Although most Americans remember that Harry Truman was Franklin D. Roosevelt's
Vice President when Roosevelt died in 1945 (making Truman President), Roosevelt
had two previous Vice Presidents - John N. Garner (1933-1941) and Henry A. Wallace
(1941-1945). In early 1944, the New York Times asked Vice President Henry Wallace
to, as Wallace noted, "write a piece answering the following questions:
What is a fascist? How many fascists have we? How dangerous are they?"
Vice President Wallace's answer to those questions was published in The New
York Times on April 9, 1944, at the height of the war against the Axis powers
of Germany and Japan.
"The really dangerous American fascists," Wallace wrote, "are
not those who are hooked up directly or indirectly with the Axis. The FBI has
its finger on those. The dangerous American fascist is the man who wants to
do in the United States in an American way what Hitler did in Germany in a Prussian
way. The American fascist would prefer not to use violence. His method is to
poison the channels of public information. With a fascist the problem is never
how best to present the truth to the public but how best to use the news to
deceive the public into giving the fascist and his group more money or more
power."
In this, Wallace was using the classic definition of the word "fascist"
- the definition Mussolini had in mind when he claimed to have invented the
word. (It was actually Italian philosopher Giovanni Gentile who wrote the entry
in the Encyclopedia Italiana that said: "Fascism should more appropriately
be called corporatism because it is a merger of state and corporate power."
Mussolini, however, affixed his name to the entry, and claimed credit for it.)
As the 1983 American Heritage Dictionary noted, fascism is: "A system of
government that exercises a dictatorship of the extreme right, typically through
the merging of state and business leadership, together with belligerent nationalism."
Mussolini was quite straightforward about all this. In a 1923 pamphlet titled
"The Doctrine of Fascism" he wrote, "If classical liberalism
spells individualism, Fascism spells government." But not a government
of, by, and for We The People - instead, it would be a government of, by, and
for the most powerful corporate interests in the nation.
In 1938, Mussolini brought his vision of fascism into full reality when he dissolved
Parliament and replaced it with the "Camera dei Fasci e delle Corporazioni"
- the Chamber of the Fascist Corporations. Corporations were still privately
owned, but now instead of having to sneak their money to folks like Tom DeLay
and covertly write legislation, they were openly in charge of the government.
Vice President Wallace bluntly laid out in his 1944 Times article his concern
about the same happening here in America:
" If we define an American fascist as one who in case of conflict puts
money and power ahead of human beings, then there are undoubtedly several million
fascists in the United States. There are probably several hundred thousand if
we narrow the definition to include only those who in their search for money
and power are ruthless and deceitful. ... They are patriotic in time of war
because it is to their interest to be so, but in time of peace they follow power
and the dollar wherever they may lead."
Nonetheless, at that time there were few corporate heads who had run for political
office, and, in Wallace's view, most politicians still felt it was their obligation
to represent We The People instead of corporate cartels. "American fascism
will not be really dangerous," he added in the next paragraph, "until
there is a purposeful coalition among the cartelists, the deliberate poisoners
of public information..."
Noting that, "Fascism is a worldwide disease," Wallace further suggest
that fascism's "greatest threat to the United States will come after the
war" and will manifest "within the United States itself."
In Sinclair Lewis's 1935 novel "It Can't Happen Here," a conservative
southern politician is helped to the presidency by a nationally syndicated radio
talk show host. The politician - Buzz Windrip - runs his campaign on family
values, the flag, and patriotism. Windrip and the talk show host portray advocates
of traditional American democracy as anti-American. When Windrip becomes President,
he opens a Guantanamo-style detention center, and the viewpoint character of
the book, Vermont newspaper editor Doremus Jessup, flees to Canada to avoid
prosecution under new "patriotic" laws that make it illegal to criticize
the President.
As Lewis noted in his novel, "the President, with something of his former
good-humor [said]: 'There are two [political] parties, the Corporate and those
who don't belong to any party at all, and so, to use a common phrase, are just
out of luck!' The idea of the Corporate or Corporative State, Secretary [of
State] Sarason had more or less taken from Italy." And, President "Windrip's
partisans called themselves the Corporatists, or, familiarly, the 'Corpos,'
which nickname was generally used."
Lewis, the first American writer to win a Nobel Prize, was world famous by 1944,
as was his book "It Can't Happen Here." And several well-known and
powerful Americans, including Prescott Bush, had lost businesses in the early
1940s because of charges by Roosevelt that they were doing business with Hitler.
These events all, no doubt, colored Vice President Wallace's thinking when he
wrote:
"Still another danger is represented by those who, paying lip service to
democracy and the common welfare, in their insatiable greed for money and the
power which money gives, do not hesitate surreptitiously to evade the laws designed
to safeguard the public from monopolistic extortion. American fascists of this
stamp were clandestinely aligned with their German counterparts before the war,
and are even now preparing to resume where they left off, after 'the present
unpleasantness' ceases."
Fascists have an agenda that is primarily economic. As the Free Dictionary (www.thefreedictionary.com)
notes, fascism/corporatism is "an attempt to create a 'modern' version
of feudalism by merging the 'corporate' interests with those of the state."
Feudalism, of course, is one of the most stable of the three historic tyrannies
(kingdoms, theocracies, feudalism) that ruled nations prior to the rise of American
republican democracy, and can be roughly defined as "rule by the rich."
Thus, the neo-feudal/fascistic rich get richer (and more powerful) on the backs
of the poor and the middle class, an irony not lost on author Thomas Frank,
who notes in his new book "What's The Matter With Kansas" that, "You
can see the paradox first-hand on nearly any Main Street in middle America -
'going out of business' signs side by side with placards supporting George W.
Bush."
The businesses "going out of business" are, in fascist administrations,
usually those of locally owned small and medium-sized companies. As Wallace
wrote, some in big business "are willing to jeopardize the structure of
American liberty to gain some temporary advantage." He added, "Monopolists
who fear competition and who distrust democracy because it stands for equal
opportunity would like to secure their position against small and energetic
enterprise [companies]. In an effort to eliminate the possibility of any rival
growing up, some monopolists would sacrifice democracy itself."
But American fascists who would want former CEOs as President, Vice President,
House Majority Whip, and Senate Majority Leader, and write legislation with
corporate interests in mind, don't generally talk to We The People about their
real agenda, or the harm it does to small businesses and working people. Instead,
as Hitler did with the trade union leaders and the Jews, they point to a "them"
to pin with blame and distract people from the harms of their economic policies.
In a comment prescient of George W. Bush's recent suggestion that civilization
itself is at risk because of gays, Wallace continued:
"The symptoms of fascist thinking are colored by environment and adapted
to immediate circumstances. But always and everywhere they can be identified
by their appeal to prejudice and by the desire to play upon the fears and vanities
of different groups in order to gain power. It is no coincidence that the growth
of modern tyrants has in every case been heralded by the growth of prejudice.
It may be shocking to some people in this country to realize that, without meaning
to do so, they hold views in common with Hitler when they preach discrimination..."
But even at this, Wallace noted, American fascists would have to lie to the
people in order to gain power. And, because they were in bed with the nation's
largest corporations - who could gain control of newspapers and broadcast media
- they could promote their lies with ease.
"The American fascists are most easily recognized by their deliberate perversion
of truth and fact," Wallace wrote. "Their newspapers and propaganda
carefully cultivate every fissure of disunity, every crack in the common front
against fascism. They use every opportunity to impugn democracy."
In his strongest indictment of the tide of fascism the Vice President of the
United States saw rising in America, he added, "They claim to be super-patriots,
but they would destroy every liberty guaranteed by the Constitution. They demand
free enterprise, but are the spokesmen for monopoly and vested interest. Their
final objective toward which all their deceit is directed is to capture political
power so that, using the power of the state and the power of the market simultaneously,
they may keep the common man in eternal subjection."
Finally, Wallace said, "The myth of fascist efficiency has deluded many
people. ... Democracy, to crush fascism internally, must...develop the ability
to keep people fully employed and at the same time balance the budget. It must
put human beings first and dollars second. It must appeal to reason and decency
and not to violence and deceit. We must not tolerate oppressive government or
industrial oligarchy in the form of monopolies and cartels."
This liberal vision of an egalitarian America in which very large businesses
and media monopolies are broken up under the 1881 Sherman Anti-Trust Act (which
Reagan stopped enforcing, leading to the mergers & acquisitions frenzy that
continues to this day) was the driving vision of the New Deal (and of "Trust
Buster" Teddy Roosevelt a generation earlier).
As Wallace's President, Franklin D. Roosevelt, said when he accepted his party's
renomination in 1936 in Philadelphia, "...out of this modern civilization,
economic royalists [have] carved new dynasties.... It was natural and perhaps
human that the privileged princes of these new economic dynasties, thirsting
for power, reached out for control over government itself. They created a new
despotism and wrapped it in the robes of legal sanction.... And as a result
the average man once more confronts the problem that faced the Minute Man...."
Speaking indirectly of the fascists that Wallace would directly name almost
a decade later, Roosevelt brought the issue to its core: "These economic
royalists complain that we seek to overthrow the institutions of America. What
they really complain of is that we seek to take away their power." But,
he thundered in that speech, "Our allegiance to American institutions requires
the overthrow of this kind of power!"
In 2004, we again stand at the same crossroad Roosevelt and Wallace confronted
during the Great Depression and World War II. Fascism is again rising in America,
this time calling itself "compassionate conservatism." The RNC's behavior
today eerily parallels the day in 1936 when Roosevelt said, "In vain they
seek to hide behind the flag and the Constitution. In their blindness they forget
what the flag and the Constitution stand for."
It's particularly ironic that the CEOs and lobbyists who run the Republican
National Committee would have chosen to put Hitler's fascist face into one of
their campaign commercials, just before they launched a national campaign against
gays and while they continue to arrest people who wear anti-Bush T-shirts in
public places.
President Roosevelt and Vice President Wallace's warnings have come full circle.
Which is why it's so critical that this November we join together at the ballot
box to stop this most recent incarnation of feudal fascism from seizing complete
control of our nation.
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